In the ever-changing landscape of political ideas, Eurasianism as a complex ideology has become an influential and aggressive movement, posing a major threat to the established world legal order. The foundation of this threat lies not so much in an aggressive foreign policy as in the complexity of an anti-liberal ideology that has succeeded in gathering under the banners of Imperial Russia radical currents from the left and right of the political spectrum and underwriting them with a religious form of socialism.
The two political currents, Socialism and Eurasianism, have been in a complex relationship since the emergence of modern Russia. Actually, Eurasianism as an ideology was formed as a result of painful reflection of revolutionary transformations in Russia by a patriotic part of the émigré intelligentsia. Classical Eurasianism managed to combine the whole spectrum of attitudes - from almost complete rejection (G. V. Vernadsky, N. S. Trubetskoy, P. N. Savitsky) to the manifestation of quite high loyalty to Soviet socialism (P. A. Florensky, P. P. Suvchinsky, L. P. Karsavin).
The revival of Eurasianism in the form of neo-Eurasianism has problematised the "Eurasianism-socialism" collision with new force. Whereas Eurasian discourse in general developed an anti-capitalist consensus with regard to capitalism, the former ambivalence persisted with regard to socialism. On the one hand, there were its ardent supporters: the "Red Eurasians" (R. R. Vakhitov), the National Bolsheviks (E. V. Limonov); on the other hand, its ardent opponents: the "New Right" in the form of heterogeneous monarchist organisations ("Double Eagle", Pravaya.Ru, etc.). The latter, rejecting socialism, preferred either to speak vaguely about a third, special way of Russia (mostly reminiscent of Ivan Shmelev's famous "Summer of the Lord" rather than a political programme), or plunged into uranopolitical escapism (very typical of the ministers of the Russian Orthodox Church).
A certain revenge of conservative sentiments in Russia of the "noughties" prompted the leader and founder of Neo-Eurasianism A. G. Dugin to search for alternatives to the neoliberal "end of history" in the "new socialism". The search crystallised into a doctrinally conceptualised technical task - "New Socialism?" [1] - where the philosopher crystallised into a doctrinally conceptualised technical task - "New Socialism?". [1] - where the philosopher correctly captures the very essence of socialism, which escapes his critics: "Non-economic concepts such as 'justice', 'equality', 'solidarity', 'collectivity', 'social being' lie at the very heart of socialist thinking. Socialism is better for its supporters not because it is more efficient, but because it is fairer, more moral, more ideal."
The 20th century bore witness to the rise of some of the most controversial and impactful ideologies in human history. Among these were National Socialism (Nazism) and Socialism. National Socialism, often associated with Nazi Germany, has often been misconstrued as a nominally socialist ideology. However, a closer look at its tenets, historical context, and modern-day interpretations reveal a much more complex picture. The interplay between these ideologies is a complex web as a binding loop can be assumed Eurasianism.
Eurasianism, as a political and cultural philosophy, traces its roots back to the interwar period in Russia. However, Aleksandr Dugin, a prominent Russian political thinker, introduced a modern iteration of Eurasianism in the 1990s. Dugin's Neo-Eurasianism intertwined the principles of geopolitics, traditionalism, and ethno-nationalism, setting the stage for a distinct worldview. At the core of Neo-Eurasianism lies a quasi-geopolitical theory that juxtaposes the "Atlanticist New World Order" against the Russia-oriented "New Eurasian Order." Dugin perceives the "Atlanticist Order," primarily represented by the US and the UK, as a homogenizing force that dilutes national and cultural diversity, which Eurasia cherishes as a core value. This perspective positions Eurasia as suffering from an "ethnic, biological, and spiritual crisis" and advocates for an "organic cultural-ethnic process" led by Russia to preserve Eurasian nations and their cultural traditions.
A strong sense of traditionalism and ethno-nationalism is embedded in Eurasianism. Dugin and his followers view Eurasia as a distinct civilization with its own historical, cultural, and spiritual heritage. They argue for the preservation of traditional values, social structures, and ethnic identities, emphasizing the importance of cultural continuity and the rejection of Western influences. While nationalism and traditionalism form the bedrock of Eurasianism, the movement also incorporates elements of socialism. This socialist strand emphasizes the role of the state in ensuring social justice, economic equality, and the well-being of its citizens. In the Eurasianist vision, the state plays a pivotal role in safeguarding the interests of the nation and promoting a collective sense of identity and purpose.
Alexander Dugin's Third Political Way explores the etymological paradoxes of socialism and communism. Mystical-religious concepts such as "justice", "equality", "solidarity", "collectivity" and "social existence" are at the heart of socialist thinking. The new Russian Socialism claims to be better for its supporters not because it is more efficient or because it rests on a legal basis, but because it is more just, more moral, and more ideal in the eyes of Dugin's notion of God and Spirituality. Socialism, often seen as the "forerunner of communism," revolutionary that suppose to separate the old world from the new. It is an evolutionary socialism that does not contradict capitalism but limits it. True Third Way socialism is in absolute struggle against the Liberal Way based on rules and international order. Dugin makes a ruthless condemnation of liberalism, capitalism (as its social embodiment) and all its institutions. There is no “good” and “bad” liberalism – they are terrible in all their manifestations.
The New Religion of the Russian Empire
Because Eurasianism has become a rather numerous but ideologically loose movement. The adoption of the concept of Orthodox socialism by Eurasianism (it should be understood that Dugin's ideas are the ideas of the Eurasian mainstream) gives not only a fresh intellectual impetus to the concept, but also a powerful organisational resource, a good attempt at cultural counter-hegemony.
The building of the Kingdom of God on earth is a beautiful and Christian idea. The kingdom of God is within; the Kingdom of God is in man; the kingdom is in spirit; God’s kingdom is in our hearts. If we build it, will it be the society in which we live? The legitimacy of the future, if we define it as the building of the Kingdom of God on earth and in men, is a beautiful goal! The philosopher defines this objective as the main historical mission of mankind. The kingdom of God must be everywhere: in the heart, in the spirit, and in man. and on earth. If God is in us, should He not live in the kingdom of God? Or at least his likeness. Just as man is the image and likeness of God as well as the earthly kingdom, the kingdom of Caesar must be the image of the Kingdom of God. Why did we give him to the power of the devil without fighting? In fact, the task of building the Holy Russia as the kingdom of God on earth was the main task of all truly Christian theocracies. Since the time of the St. Petersburg "Word of Law and Grace," both Russian rulers and commoners have used it. Hilarion of Kiev. It is clear that the fullness of the Kingdom of God will reign only after the Second Coming of Christ. But Christians should not wait for him by laying hands on him or by escaping alone. They must prepare themselves for life in the Kingdom of God, that is, to build his likeness here. As long as we have succeeded in the opposite, we have built the kingdom of Satan with stubbornness worthy of better use. It is necessary to immediately overthrow the reproach in the chiliasm: the kingdom of God is given as a promise, as a community of human beings. As an unattainable but mandatory goal. For if we refuse to build the Kingdom of God, we will be in the kingdom of the devil, but if we renounce the building of the temple, we shall be in debris. Today’s elites are discovering, in essence, the truth of every elite that sees itself as a lord and the people as slaves... Pareto’s ideology triumphs, some Macquiavellism triumfs... Everybody thought that Orwell’s 1984 was about totalitarianism, about fascism, or communism, but it turned out that 1984 is about liberalism. This is the transformation of liberalism.
Alexander Dugin in the cycle of radio programs "Aurora" 2021
The Eurasianists saw Orthodoxy as a cultural and spiritual foundation that defined Russia's identity and distinguished it from the West. But in general Eurasianism is everyday confessionalism, which means that religious life permeated the mundane in the form of rituals, and it had no need for institutionalization. The outcome was the fusion of faith and life, which led to a particular coherence in different realms of life, such as state ideology, art, and science. This reading of Russian Orthodoxy as a religiously tolerant and semi-polytheistic "Orthodoxy of the folk" alienated conventional theologians from Eurasianism.
If we try to concrete “right” socialism on the basis of domestic conservative thought, then we inevitably come to Christian, Orthodox socialism. Eurasianism has found a socio-economic arrangement that most fully and coherently corresponds to its ideological intentions (traditionalism, conservatism, anti-liberalism) - Christian socialism. Searches and holiwares have ended, we must further cultivate the field of Orthodox socialism if we want to remain on the soil of Eurasianism. On the contrary, if we consider ourselves Russian socialists, then we must be, firstly, Orthodox socialists and, secondly, Eurasians. Eurasianism is the necessary ideological link in the phrase combination of “Orthodox socialism”, without which the orthodox socialist either plunges his head into Orthodonticism (thinking that socialism is too “material” for its elevated nature), or binds in the neo-Marxist scholastic of “scientific” socialism (where Orthodoxism is an epifenomenal superstructure, not a cornerstone).
Eurasianism emerged in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution as a response to the perceived threat of European cultural hegemony. Its founders, including Prince Nikolai Trubetskoi and Peter Savitsky, rejected universalism and instead emphasized the importance of maintaining the diversity of human cultures. Trubetskoi argued that Europe was imposing its Romano-German culture on the rest of the world through chauvinism and cosmopolitanism, which threatened to destroy the unique cultural identities of other peoples. He contrasted Europe with the rest of humanity and proposed a "provincialization" and "othering" of Europe long before postcolonial theorists Dipesh Chakrabarty and Gayatri Spivak did. The key element of Eurasianism was geosophy, the identification and description of the significance of geographical spaces. Eurasianists claimed that Russia-Eurasia possessed a unique "place-based development" or topogenesis, which was continental and autarkic due to its location in the middle continent. This led to the development of a distinctive Russian-Eurasian identity that emphasized the importance of tradition, community, and strong leadership.
According to Alexander Dugin, the history of political doctrine is characterised by the attraction of opposite poles of the political spectrum, often uniting for the sake of fighting against the centre. This phenomenon is often taken as an axiom, and Nicholas of Cusa's "coincidence of opposites" thesis is often taken as an axiom. The ambiguity associated with socialism, a doctrine that attracts diverse ideological tendencies, is particularly interesting. Socialism is an ideology where the most distant and radically opposed tendencies coexist. The first socialists included mechanicists, atheists, mystics, pragmatists, rationalists, and sophisticated elitist aesthetes. In his opinion, the extreme right, traditionalist and archaic, is combined with the extreme left, progressive and ultra-modern. This contempt for a political logic that is respected in other sectors of the ideological spectrum is a mystery and requires serious research.
We are most interested in the ambiguity associated with the doctrine of socialism, which is a sphere of attraction for the most diverse and sometimes mutually exclusive ideological tendencies: extremely conservative, traditionalist, "reactionary," hierarchical, authoritarian, soil, and spiritualist on the one hand, and extremely modernist, progressive, egalitarian, technocratic, and materialist on the other. It may be that socialism is the ideology where the most distant and radically opposed tendencies coexist.Among the first socialists, we see the heirs of the Enlightenment: mechanicists and atheists (Louis Blanc, Prudon, Marx, etc.) and fervent mystics (Campanella, More, Pierre Leroux, Louis Constant (who later became Eliphas Levi), Fabre d'Olivet, Saint-Yves d'Alveidre, etc.); pragmatists, pragmatists, pragmatists, etc.); pragmatists concerned with rationalising the social structure (Saint-Simon, Fourier, etc.); and sophisticated elitist aesthetes (William Blake, Oscar Wilde, etc.). Sorel becomes a teacher for Lenin and for Mussolini. Lassalle solidarizes with Bismarck. Mao Zedong recognises in a conversation with Malraux that he is "the last Emperor". The extreme right, traditionalist and archaic, is combined with the extreme left, "progressive" and ultra-modern.
The Third Political Way, proposed by Alexander Dugin, proposes a principled division of the ideological spectrum into three autonomous camps, rather than two camps. This approach complicates the traditional political structure of society by introducing the concept of the Third Position, or Third Path, as an independent ideological position. The Third Way advocates for extreme uncompromisingness, welcomes all extremes, is essentially autonomous, and seeks to transcend dualism and overcome duality. It is not on the side of Heat or Cold, but on both Heat and Cold against Heat.
Ideological paradoxes associated with political identification often involve the identification of a political figure or thinker on the right-left scale, rather than the mysterious attraction of opposites. This position implies a unique tendency to the Limit, exhaustion of proposed ideological possibilities, and the will to the Absolute. Socialism, as an ideological phenomenon that falls least into conventional political schemes, appears to be the closest to the essence of the Third Way. Socialism is connected to the will to synthesis, eschatology, and the myth of overcoming the contradictions of the lower world and the advent of the Kingdom. Socialism focuses on the Synthesis, which removes the thesis and antithesis, and the dizzying overcoming of fateful frameworks of human and social reality. Socialism seeks to bring these contradictions to the limit, uncover them, and carry out a revolutionary coup to put an end to the conflict.
Such non-economic concepts as "justice", "equality", "solidarity", collectivity, and "social existence" lie at the very basis of socialist thinking. Socialism is better for its supporters, not because it is more effective, but because it’s more just, more moral, and more ideal.
A key pillar of Dugin's anti-Western rhetoric that should serve as the anti-thesis of liberalism is the point that anti-capitalism is socialism, and socialism is the true and only alternative to capitalism. Unlike capitalism, which is an unambiguous evil, socialism appears to be a much more complex phenomenon. It can be inappropriate, unsuccessful, unsustainable – and such socialism must be abandoned. This was Marxist (“left”) socialism. But there is also “good” socialism (Dugin calls it “right,” but more precisely, after “Aurora,” call it “left-conservative”). The question arises: what was Soviet socialism? He was... different, in Russian paradoxically combining the most incompatible traits. The economy was “left”, the official ideology was, undoubtedly, ‘left’. But culture, everyday life, ethics, even politics (with an almost undisclosed disregard for freedom of speech, electoral democracy and competitive judicial proceedings) were... conservative, “right.” Traditional values were guarded like Indian cows in the center of Delhi. Marxist socialism was almost Russified under Stalin, but then “something went wrong”.
If capitalism and spirit are antonyms, socialism and spirit will be synonyms. Speaking of "socialism of spirit," we emphasise that there is no other socialism than ideocratic, and it cannot be. Socialism without spirit, deprived of the grace of God, is "false" socialism!
Russia's Apocalyptic Political Theology: Understanding Alexander Dugin and the Battle over Western Values
Russia's political landscape is undergoing a seismic shift, with the emergence of a new brand of nationalism that is deeply rooted in apocalyptic political theology. At the forefront of this movement is Alexander Dugin, a controversial figure with close links to the Kremlin and a reputation for advocating extreme views. The rise of apocalyptic nationalism in Russia is a cause for concern for many in the West. This phenomenon is deeply rooted in a worldview that sees Russia as the defender of traditional values and the last bastion of resistance against the forces of liberalism and decadence. At the forefront of this movement is Alexander Dugin, a controversial figure with close links to the Kremlin and a reputation for advocating extreme views. The battle over Western values is being waged not just in Russia, but in the wider world, with populist movements and authoritarian regimes gaining ground in many countries. The West must be clear about its values and defend them against those who seek to undermine them.
Apocalyptic nationalism has its roots in Russia's history and culture, which have been shaped by centuries of struggle against foreign invaders and the desire to assert Russian identity and autonomy. This worldview sees Russia as a unique and exceptional nation with a special place in history and a mission to defend traditional values and culture against the forces of modernity and globalization. Alexander Dugin is one of the most influential figures in the Russian nationalist movement, with close links to the Kremlin and a reputation for advocating extreme views. His worldview is deeply rooted in apocalyptic political theology, which sees Russia as the defender of traditional values and the last bastion of resistance against the forces of liberalism and decadence.
At the heart of Dugin's worldview is the belief that Russia is engaged in a cosmic struggle against the forces of liberalism, which he sees as a form of moral and cultural decay. He advocates a return to traditional values and culture, including a revival of the Russian Orthodox Church and a rejection of Western-style democracy and capitalism.
The rise of apocalyptic nationalism in Russia has led to a renewed battle over Western values, with many in Russia seeing liberal democracy and human rights as a threat to their traditional way of life. This battle is being waged not just in Russia, but in the wider world, with populist movements and authoritarian regimes gaining ground in many countries.
The implications of Russia's apocalyptic nationalism for the West are significant, with the potential for increased conflict and tension between Russia and the West. This worldview sees the West as the embodiment of moral and cultural decay, and is deeply suspicious of Western-style order, institutions and culture. In order to respond to the challenge of apocalyptic nationalism, the West must be clear about its values and defend them against those who seek to undermine them. This means taking a firm stand against authoritarianism and populism, and promoting the values of liberal democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.
Understanding the key feutures of Russia's Apocalyptic Political Theology
The Community
In order to better understand the essence of socialism as a Third Way position in its own right, let us turn to the historical model, which in one form or another predetermines the logic of the socialist attitude towards social, political, and economic reality. In this question, we will turn to the concept of Ferdinand Tennys, whose ideas lie at the foundation of the entire school of German sociology. In the most general terms, Tennys' theory is as follows: Every integral human collective—people, state, tribe, nation, etc.—can be assigned to one of two fundamental categories that determine its quality. These categories are Community (Gemeinschaft) and Society (Gesellschaft). The French analogues of these terms are communaute and societe.
Revolution against Evolution
Dugin's concept of revolution against evolution is central to the socialist idea, which underlies both the socialist understanding of history and the existential pathos of socialism. The word "revolution" means "rotation" or "revival" and has a direct relation to the socialist myth, which is oriented towards a dialectical return to the Source after passing through the phase of alienation. Revolution is the heroic overcoming of the maximum of ontological and social entropy, the revolt against the inexorable fate that decomposes the organic fabric of the community (Gemeinschaft) and gives rise to the social realm of Injustice, the ultimate phase of which is the bourgeois system. The revolution is the culmination of the whole socialist eschatology, oriented not towards development, evolution, gradual improvement, and progress but rather towards a sharp leap from the lowest to the highest ("he who was nothing will become everything"), towards a heroic deed, super-overcoming, and a great revolt against the immanent laws of social history. This paradox is based on the essence of the socialist understanding of history as degradation, as the constant perfection and totalization of the means of exploitation, as the destruction of organic communal ties, and a distance from "cave communism."
Conventional political science often classifies socialism as a left-wing ideology, but there are two different doctrinal systems hidden under the same term, which differ not only in the degree of radicality but in their essential, ontological orientation. Left socialism fits perfectly into the bipolar political science scheme, trying only to influence the center and shift it as "left" as possible. At the level of historiosophic vision, this means the rejection of the Revolution as the culmination of socialist action and the substitution of this Revolution by the principle of Evolution, or progress. In the true socialist doctrine, society (Gesellschaft) is subject to "abolition", "destruction", and "annihilation" rather than "improvement." Instead, there must appear a "new world" or "our world" that is the Absolute Paradise Community, where the elements of ontological and social entropy will have no access at all. Evolution-oriented socialism sees progress as the acceleration of the social process that led to the birth of society (Gesellschaft) as a special collective reality.
There is a certain etymological paradox in the concept of revolution against evolution. If we understand socialism as a "precursor of communism," then we are dealing with revolutionary socialism, the socialism of the Third Way. However, if we understand socialism strictly etymologically, we are dealing with evolutionary socialism, which does not contradict the logic of capitalism but brings this logic to its limit. Left socialism, or social democracy, is the concentration of the Old World, the "world of violence," where exploitation not only does not disappear but reaches its peak in brutality and sophistication.
The Liberal Elite
Alexander Dugin emphasise the state of poverty in the Liberal World and its contribution to the rise of socialism. In traditional society, poverty was seen as a virtue, symbolising a tendency to overcome material things and achieve spiritual asceticism. However, with the advent of capitalism, poverty was shifted from the centre of society to the outskirts, making it a synonym for social vice. This "abject poverty" is the source of the greatest socialist mysticism. Under capitalism, poverty became the only sphere of concentration for the genuine, spiritual, and just elite. The more despicable and destitute an individual becomes, the more clearly their providential chosenness, otherness, and "subjectivity" become apparent. According to Dugin's mystical-religious views, the cyclical idea of socialism manifests in the Gospel parable of the prodigal son, where the true elite loses all external signs of status and becomes outcasts. The prodigal son returns to his father with new knowledge and the experience of poverty, leading to a Revolution of the elite, displaced to the periphery, against the entropic laws of "evolution" and its return to its true position. This experience of suffering and compassion transforms the individual into everything they were before, but only then do they realise their "depth" of being and its dark limit.
The Core of the Revolution There are two main groups on which the new Russian World Revolution relies. The failed businesses and the unrealized intelligentsia, who are supposed to be the ideological core, While the radical core are the poorest social strata. Dugin sees in Socialism the premise of a unique revolutionary alliance between the highest spiritual aristocracy, the "liberated heritage" of the bourgeois regime, and the popular masses, the lowest of the low, subjected above all to the exploitative pressures of the mediocrity that triumphs capitalism. This is another "compatibility of opposites" inherent in socialist doctrine. This alliance between the subjective pole of the Revolution (the professional revolutionary") and its objective pole (the national masses") has a profound basis. Subjects immersed in the mystery of poverty divide themselves essentially into two anthropological categories: people passively suffering from the perversion of social proportions, in whom an unconscious hatred of the "contractual system" has accumulated, and a socialist counter-elite (in Pareto's classification), active and militant, imagining in the oppressed masses the image of their own soul, devoid, however, of reason and will. This anthropological duality is the basis of the revolutionary hierarchy of socialism, which does not violate the equality of the revolutionary elite and the people, either in the face of the oppressors or in the face of the greatness of the socialist ideal. It is a hierarchy of self-sacrifice and service that cannot be corrupted or turned into a source of personal well-being, for the reason that the measure of revolutionary excellence is the degree of attainment of the mystery of poverty, the depth of suffering and compassion, the level of abandonment, and the willingness to transform one's life and destiny in the burning of the Great Eschatological Fire. In this respect, socialism at the political level, as always, implies a total war against the centre, against mediocrity, against bourgeois conservatives who boast of their privilege, and against predatory progressives who are obsessed with envy for all that is different. The true socialist approach consists of a paradoxical but deeply justified alliance between extreme forms of "equality" and the ultimatum of hierarchical structure.
The mystery of poverty becomes the germ of the eschatological revolution of the stage in social history when community (community) is destroyed, changing society (Gesellschaft). Out of this new mystery are created 'new heavens and a new earth'.
Socialism and Death
There is a rather curious interpretation of the socialist worldview as "social thanatophilia" or "striving for death". Both conservatives and liberals have written on this topic. Among European authors, the works of Norman Cohn ("Waiting for the Millennial Kingdom") are interesting. Among Russian researchers, the most interesting is Igor Shafarevich, who summarised the most serious anti-socialist arguments in a remarkable work entitled "Socialism as a Phenomenon of World History." In principle, the "thanatophilia" of socialism, its critics find, first of all, in the "irreality" and "unfulfillment" of its aspirations, in the grotesque desire of many socialists to bring the principles of community (Gemeinschaft) to the limit, including the community of wives, the absence of all individual forms of existence of people—personal flats, household items, and even children. The fanaticism of the socialists borders on hatred of the laws of natural life, on the demand to subordinate these laws to the socialist will, and on the desire, in the end, to destroy the "old world" down to its biological and even mineral roots. All this is indeed present in socialist authors, but the very statement of these aspects, in our opinion, is far from sufficient; it needs an explanation, which, as a rule, is not found in the works of the critics of socialism. What is behind this "thanatophilia", imaginary or genuine?
The logic of the socialist understanding of history can also be expressed in the categories of life and death. In the beginning, there is life, paradise, wholeness, the organic and natural form of the community's existence as a single organism. The destruction of the community (Gemeinschaft), the disintegration of organic ties, and the gradual emergence of society (Gesellschaft) are the transitions to death. The Final Revolution means a new acquisition of life, but not just the life that was and is over, but a New life standing on the other side of death, not subject to its corrosive, entropic influence—a superlife, a superbiosis, meaning not just the maximisation of vitality but its "transcendence". The New Man is not just a "restored Old Adam". It is Adam who is saved, fundamentally freed from the fatal patterns of degradation to which even paradise is subject. The ancient Greeks understood this perfectly well when they asserted that even immortal gods are subject to the supreme law of Fate. The emergence of bourgeois society is, for socialists, the death of organic life. But when the death of capitalism comes, something else emerges—something that is neither life nor death. It is this otherness, the Otherness, the Eschatological Aeon, the Fantastic World of the Eternal, that is taken as a sign of "thanatophilia" by the critics of socialism, whose horizon is limited either by nostalgia for archaic and irrevocably lost pre-social organicity, for "cave capitalism", or by a completely pathological perception of bourgeois "warmth" (neither Heat nor Cold) as "normal life". Critics of socialism on both the right and the left, however, rightly see in socialism the face of death, but it is not death as such but their own death, since both the right and left defenders of the System are doomed to disappear in the eschatological fire of the Last Revolution, unless, of course, they recognise their secret but previously unrecognised dream in the impending barrage of the Fiery Transfiguration.
The Last Days
The End of Time thesis by Alexander Dugin argues that the repeated expectation of a near end of the world in history has never ended in nothing. This is true for socialism, as events that can be equated with socialist revolutions have often turned out to be illusions. The poison of entropy has penetrated revolutionary reality, and the restored community does not possess all the necessary qualities of a genuine socialist victory. However, this does not mean that a genuine revolution, the Last Revolution, will never take place. It is only possible that it will break out suddenly, like a storm breaking out in absolute calm.
One reason for the impossibility of carrying the Revolution through to completion is the constant and subtle infiltration into socialist doctrines of doctrinal elements that undermine its basic strategy. Revisionism corrodes socialism from within as a hidden heresy, and agents of influence seek to introduce elements alien to it, such as human rights, evolution and progress, xenophobic excesses, and the theory of "national choice."
This only makes us understand more deeply the secret of Poverty, which can reveal the true proportions that guarantee the final success of our revolution. Socialism is the cause of the truly impoverished masses and the genuinely radical elite, and only when they truly grasp the Secret of Poverty will they be able to unite their wills to achieve the levelling of the old world.
Today, the last strongholds of what once looked like socialism are crumbling, and another chimaera has been revealed. Are the hysterical evolutionism of Soviet philosophy, the belief in progress, and renegade slogans compatible with the spirit of true socialism? Capitalism is entering its last stage, following the imperialist stage of mondialism, where the world is becoming a kingdom of quantity. The new man stands on the threshold, soon entering this lost world, but the world of capitalist darkness will not "overtake" him. In his kingdom, the Last and Just Judgement on the living and the dead will begin, and there will be no more time.
EURASIANISM AND SOCIALISM: TWO ROADS TO THE SAME GOAL
National Socialism: Unveiling Its True Nature and Its Resurgence in Modern Times
Eurasianism, nationalism, traditionalism, and socialism converge in the complex tapestry of political ideologies. Through the lens of Eurasianism, we can analyze the interplay between these elements and their impact on governance, particularly in the Russian context. The fusion of nationalism, traditionalism, and socialism serves as a bedrock for state-inspired Russian nationalism, which, in turn, underpins authoritarian politics. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for comprehending the complexities of political ideologies and their role in shaping societies and nations. As the world continues to evolve, the intersection of Eurasianism, nationalism, traditionalism, and socialism will undoubtedly shape future political landscapes, transcending borders and influencing the trajectory of nations.
The Russian Case: Nicholas I and Vladimir Putin
To better understand the practical manifestations of Eurasianism, it is essential to examine its influence on Russian politics and governance. Two figures, Tsar Nicholas I and President Vladimir Putin, provide intriguing parallels in their utilization of nationalism to justify statist policies and political authoritarianism.
The National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), led by Adolf Hitler, was not an embodiment of socialism as it is generally understood. Despite the inclusion of 'socialism' in its name, the Nazi regime never aimed to challenge the fundamental principles of private property. The Nazi regime had little to do with socialism, despite it being prominently included in the name of the National Socialist German Workers' Party.
Tsar Nicholas I, ruling in the early 19th century, utilized the Official Nationality policy, known as the tripartite concept of Orthodoxy, Autocracy, and Nationality, to consolidate his power and maintain control over the diverse Russian Empire. This policy aimed to promote Russian nationalism, emphasizing the supremacy of the Orthodox Church, the autocratic nature of the state, and the importance of national cohesion.
Drawing inspiration from Nicholas I, President Vladimir Putin has employed similar rhetoric to legitimize his rule and consolidate his authority. Putin's emphasis on patriotism, power, and statism resonates with the Eurasianist worldview. By evoking nationalist sentiments, fostering a sense of national pride, and prioritizing state power and centralization, Putin has solidified his position as a strong leader, appealing to a broad base of support in Russia. The convergence of Eurasianism, nationalism, traditionalism, and socialism in the Russian context has led to the emergence of state-inspired Russian nationalism, closely intertwined with authoritarian politics. This section delves deeper into the dynamics of this relationship, highlighting the similarities between the present and the past in Russia.
To contextualize the relationship between nationalism and authoritarianism in Russia, it is instructive to consider the insights of Alexander Gerschenkron, who examined the economic development of "backwards" states. Gerschenkron posited that these states often require strong central authority to overcome their economic challenges and catch up with more advanced nations. This notion aligns with the statist tendencies prevalent in Russian governance, where nationalism serves as a unifying force to propel economic development.
The parallels between Nicholas I and Putin are striking, as both leaders have utilized nationalism and modified Western concepts to legitimize their rule and promote statist policies. By aligning themselves with the traditions and values of their respective eras, they have tapped into the deep-seated aspirations of the Russian people, fostering a sense of national pride and unity.
Pan- Slavism
Pan-Slavism, a movement that emerged in Prague in the 19th century, was driven by the desire for justice and national realization of Slavic intellectuals in Eastern Europe, as well as the territorial ambitions of the Russian Empire. It sought to unite Slavic peoples, both Eastern and Western, under a common identity. Pan-Slavism, primarily classified as a distinctive pan-nationalism, arose concomitantly with the advent of the era of national awakening and nationalisms in the 19th century. This ideology aimed at transcending the boundaries of isolated national identities to craft a broader, pan-national identity, encompassing a larger geopolitical territory than a typical nation-state.
The 19th century marked the zenith of Pan-Slavism, with Russia emerging as the champion of Pan-Slavic ideas. However, the first significant variant of Pan-Slavism, known as "Austro-Slavism," aimed at promoting emancipatory objectives within the progressively liberalizing Habsburg Empire. The concept of unity among the Slavic nations, despite being popular, lacked clear definition, thereby limiting its reach. The aftermath of World War I witnessed the disintegration of Pan-Slavism, with the fall of Tsarist Russia and the Austro-Hungarian Empire leading to the formation of new Slavic states. However, despite these changes, the ideology of Pan-Slavism did not fade away entirely and was occasionally echoed in the foreign policies of these newly formed states, with Russia often resorting to Pan-Slavic motifs.
Contrary to popular belief, Pan-Slavism is far from extinct. The contemporary socio-political landscape has witnessed a resurgence of this ideology, albeit in reformed and reinterpreted forms. The new forms of Pan-Slavism are quite vague and even more challenging to define and grasp than their traditional variants. Under the rule of Vladimir Putin, Russia's foreign policy ambitions have grown significantly, leading to the re-emergence of Pan-Slavic ideas. Putin's regime has increasingly incorporated Pan-Slavic ideologies as a key element of its domestic and foreign policies, often manifesting as anti-Western sentiments and an emphasis on "traditional" values rooted in the Slavic identity.
The influence of Pan-Slavism extends beyond foreign policy, permeating domestic politics in many Slavic states. This ideology has been particularly instrumental in deepening anti-democratic, anti-civic, and populist tendencies, often espousing anti-Western values and institutions. Christian Orthodoxy, particularly its Messianism, has played a substantial role in shaping the discourse around Pan-Slavism in many Slavic nations. The narratives emphasizing the civilizational "otherness" of the Slavic world, as opposed to Western values and institutions, have significantly influenced political ideologies and foreign policies in these countries. The perceived threat to Slavic identity from Western institutions and values has often been used to justify and strengthen Pan-Slavic ideologies. This notion of defending Slavicness has been particularly prominent in the foreign policies of countries such as Russia and Serbia, creating a deep-rooted West-East divide that threatens the unity of Western institutions like the European Union and NATO. In addition to its political implications, Pan-Slavism has also profoundly influenced the cultural identity of Slavic nations. The idea of a shared Slavic identity, based on common language, history, and culture, has been instrumental in shaping the cultural landscapes of these countries. The resurgence of Pan-Slavism has coincided with the rising trend of various neo-pagan movements, advocating for a return to pagan Slavic roots. These cultural associations and groups have been particularly prominent in the last decade, often emphasizing Slavic unity in cultural terms. Pan-Slavism, despite being a historical ideology, continues to shape the political, social, and cultural landscapes of Slavic nations in profound ways. Its influence, particularly in countries like Russia and Bulgaria, has been instrumental in shaping foreign policies, domestic politics, and cultural identities. Despite its significant impact, the study of Pan-Slavism remains largely neglected in contemporary scholarship, necessitating a more comprehensive and systematic examination of this phenomenon. As the geopolitical landscape continues to evolve, the role of Pan-Slavism in shaping the future of Slavic nations remains an intriguing area of study.
The 25 points of the NSDAP's 1920 party program did include passages denouncing banks, department stores, and "interest slavery." Some might interpret these as a quasi-Marxist rejection of free markets. However, such criticisms were commonplace in the anti-Semitic playbook, suggesting that the party's primary ideological goal was not to fundamentally challenge private property.
The True Nature of National Socialism
National Socialism was more about preserving a social and racial hierarchy than it was about redistributing wealth or controlling the means of production to build a utopian society. The party promised solidarity for members of the Volksgemeinschaft ("racial community"), while denying rights to those outside this circle.
Instead of controlling the means of production or redistributing wealth to build a utopian society, the Nazis focused on safeguarding a social and racial hierarchy.
The initial base and founders of the party were mainly small-business men and artisans, not the industrial proletariat often associated with Marxist socialism. The party's early electoral successes were in small towns and Protestant rural areas, appealing to voters who associated both "socialism" and "capitalism" with Jews and foreigners.
Divergence from Traditional Socialism
The Social Democratic Party (SPD) of Germany, a party that consistently resisted Nazi arguments, underscores the discontinuity between socialism and National Socialism. The SPD was the only German political party that consistently resisted Nazi arguments, offering another sign of the discontinuity between socialism and Nazism.
While Communists abetted the destruction of German democracy, seeing it as a way to eventually produce the revolution they wanted, the only German political party that consistently resisted Nazi arguments, the Social Democratic Party (SPD), offered another sign of the discontinuity between socialism and Nazism.
Post-World War II Misinterpretations
In the post-World War II period, the connection between socialism and National Socialism was often used as a political weapon. Scholars such as Zbigniew Brzezinski and Hannah Arendt used the concept of "totalitarianism" to fuse the two ideologies, suggesting structural similarities and violent practices common to Nazi and Stalinist regimes. This concept, however, has been controversial as an explanation of the origins or subsequent appeal of either communism or Nazism/fascism.
Despite this reality, linking socialism and Nazism to critique leftist ideas became a political weapon in the post-World War II period, perhaps unsurprisingly given that the Cold War followed directly on the heels of World War II.
The Road to Serfdom
Austrian economist Friedrich von Hayek, in his 1943 bestseller, "The Road to Serfdom," warned that any government intervention in the market eroded freedom, eventually leading to some form of dictatorship. Hayek's assertion that all government interventions in the economy led to totalitarianism continues to animate popular works today. However, this argument oversimplifies the complex relationship between state intervention and political freedom.
Hayek warned that any government intervention in the market eroded freedom, eventually leading to some form of dictatorship.
The Ideological Foundations of Nazism
Contrary to popular belief, Nazism, entrenched in the doctrines laid out by Alfred Rosenberg, was not a Christian movement. Instead, it was a coherent anti-Christian worldview deeply rooted in modern paganism. Despite being often labeled as a form of socialism due to the "Socialist" element in its name, the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) held beliefs that diverged significantly from mainstream socialist ideologies.
The Ideological Spectrum: Right or Left?
One of the most contentious debates in political philosophy is the placement of Nazism on the ideological spectrum. While traditionally considered an extreme-right ideology, some argue that it shares common ground with socialism, a traditionally left-leaning ideology[^3^]. This argument is based on the fact that the Nazi party did include socialist elements in its early stages. However, as we'll see, this wasn't a clear cut case of socialism.
The Ambiguous Relationship with Christianity
The Nazi party's relationship with Christianity was complex and often contradictory. On one hand, the party recognized the influence of Christianity across the German population and sought to co-opt it for their purposes. On the other hand, many Nazi leaders saw Judeo-Christian values as antithetical to their own ideology and sought religious alternatives, including a reinterpretation of Christianity with an Aryan Jesus at its center.
: Summary. The National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP).
The Myth of Nazism as Socialism
One of the most dangerous misconceptions about Nazism is the erroneous belief that it was a form of socialism. This myth stems from a misunderstanding of the term "National Socialism." Despite the inclusion of "socialism" in the party's name, the ideological foundations of Nazism were not socialist.
: At a time when conservative governments, the Murdoch press and their corporately funded think-tank supporters run down university departments of history in this country, the need for careful interpretations of the past has never been more evident.
The Anti-Socialist Stance of the Nazi Party
Despite the socialist elements in its early platform, the Nazi party, under Hitler's leadership, adopted a staunchly anti-socialist and pro-business stance. The party sought to attract the middle classes and farmers rather than the working class, and promised to protect businesses and property from the perceived threat of communism.
: At a time when conservative governments, the Murdoch press and their corporately funded think-tank supporters run down university departments of history in this country, the need for careful interpretations of the past has never been more evident.
The Nazi Party and the Suppression of Socialist Ideals
Upon coming to power, the Nazi party made good on its promises to suppress socialism. The party spent most of 1933 persecuting socialists and communists, liquidating their parties, incarcerating, and in many cases, killing their leadership and rank-and-file members.
: At a time when conservative governments, the Murdoch press and their corporately funded think-tank supporters run down university departments of history in this country, the need for careful interpretations of the past has never been more evident.
The Soviet Union: A Case of "Real Socialism"
The Soviet Union, a prominent ally during World War II, is an example of actual socialism in action. This communist state bore the brunt of the conflict in terms of lives lost and domestic destruction. The Soviet Union's involvement in the war contradicts the idea that WWII was a war against socialism.
: At a time when conservative governments, the Murdoch press and their corporately funded think-tank supporters run down university departments of history in this country, the need for careful interpretations of the past has never been more evident.
The Revisionist Perspective: A Dangerous Misinterpretation
Revisionist interpretations of history, particularly those that seek to equate Nazism with socialism, are not only factually incorrect but also dangerous. This revisionist perspective confuses the historical realities and is often used as a tool to discredit left-leaning ideologies by associating them with the atrocities committed by the Nazi regime.
: At a time when conservative governments, the Murdoch press and their corporately funded think-tank supporters run down university departments of history in this country, the need for careful interpretations of the past has never been more evident.
Nazism, Socialism, and the Fight for Historical Accuracy
Understanding the complex interplay between Nazism and socialism is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of 20th-century history. While the debate around these ideologies can be contentious, it is essential to strive for historical accuracy and resist oversimplifications that can distort our understanding of the past. As we continue to grapple with the impacts of these ideologies in contemporary politics, let's remember the importance of historical truth in guiding our interpretations and actions.
The Resurgence of Nationalistic Ideologies
In the modern era, ideologies reminiscent of National Socialism have resurfaced, notably through the works of Russian philosopher and political analyst Alexander Dugin. Dugin's ideology combines elements of Neopaganism, Slavic Nativism, Gnosticism, Hermeticism, Eastern Orthodox traditions, and the National Bolshevik Party's ultranationalism.
Alexander Dugin and his Ideology
Dugin's ideology, often described as "Slavo-Nazism," has been influential and controversial. His adherence to the Old Believers, a Russian religious movement, allowed him to combine Slavic Paganism and Orthodox Christianity without formally adopting either. Dugin's own Russian Orthodox tradition has merged with Neopaganism, becoming a potent nationalist force.
"Dugin's ideas could be best described as being "Slavo-Nazism", influenced by the likes of Julius Evola, Alain de Benoist and the beliefs of the Traditionalist School."
His works, such as "Foundations of Geopolitics" and "The Fourth Political Theory," have had significant influence, especially in Russia. "Foundations of Geopolitics," in particular, has been the cause of much global angst, as it is often regarded as the Russian version of Hitler's Mein Kampf.
Dugin's Influence in Modern Politics
Dugin's influence extends beyond academia, impacting modern politics, particularly in Russia. He is an author of Russia's annexation of Crimea, asserting that war between Russia and Ukraine is "inevitable" and that 'The Russian Renaissance can only stop by Kiev'.
"As an author of Russia's annexation of Crimea, Dugin has written that the war between Russia and Ukraine is "inevitable" and has said that 'The Russian Renaissance can only stop by Kiev'."
The true nature of National Socialism and its divergence from traditional socialism is often misunderstood. It is not a form of socialism but a distinct ideology that sought to maintain a racial and social hierarchy. Today, the resurgence of similar ideologies, notably through Alexander Dugin's works, underscores the need to understand these ideologies in their historical and modern contexts. As these ideologies continue to shape global politics, it is essential to dispel misconceptions and strive for a nuanced understanding of their origins, appeals, and implications.
"National Socialism preserved private property, while also putting the entire resources of society at the service of an expansionist and racist national vision, which included the conquest and murderous subjugation of other peoples."
Understanding these ideologies is not just a historical exercise; it is crucial for comprehending the political landscape of today and the future. As these ideologies continue to shape global politics, it is essential to dispel misconceptions and strive for a nuanced understanding of their origins, appeals, and implications.
The Russian Cosmism
Russian Cosmism, a complex intellectual movement that blends Orthodox theology with scientific forecasting, emerged almost 150 years ago and is once again on the rise in Russia. It is a response to the dominant transhumanism in the West, which has been fueled by the ideas of Nikolai Fyodorov, Constantin Tsiolkovsky, and Vladimir Vernadsky. In the 1970s, a group of Soviet intellectuals became passionate about these authors' futuristic and spiritual visions, leading to the formation of "Russian Cosmism."
Cosmism was initially a heterodox theory but gained interest from academics and high-ranking members of the political and military establishment. The Izborsky Club, created in 2012, brings together around 50 academics, journalists, politicians, entrepreneurs, clerics, and ex-military around an imperialist and anti-Western agenda. This group aims to define an ideology for the Russian state, considering science as an ideological battlefield within which Russia must oppose its own "technocratic mythology" to the Western model of development.
Transhumanism is considered the logical heir of evolutionary progressivism, aimed at emancipating the individual from the constraints of human nature through their hybridization with the machine. In contrast, Cosmism is described as an eschatological quest for the spiritualization of humanity, guided by a literal interpretation of the biblical promises of resurrection. The Izborsky Club also claims the specific Russian character of Cosmism and its intimate connection with the "historical mission" of the Russian people.
The November 2020 issue of the Izborsky Club journal aimed to demonstrate the opposition between Cosmism and transhumanism. According to the Izborsky Club, transhumanism is the logical heir of evolutionary progressivism, while Cosmism is described as an eschatological quest for the spiritualization of humanity, guided by a literal interpretation of the biblical promises of resurrection.
The reinvention of the Cosmist heritage produces a unified national narrative that responds to Vladimir Putin's regime's aim to obliterate memory conflicts and link historical eras. The Izborsky Club promotes Cosmism as the basis of a new global alternative development project that Russia could express and propose. The marriage of modern science with political traditionalism offers an alternative to Western theories of modernization, which assume that economic development brings about the political convergence of societies toward liberal democracy.
The major scientific achievements promoted by the Izborsky Club serve the defense of the "Russian civilization" and its "spiritual security". Science thus becomes the vector of realization of the "Russian dream", which is meant to replace the American dream with "the ideals of Russian Cosmism" and of a "spiritual science."
References to Cosmism permeate the discourse of the highest authorities, such as Valery Zorkin, President of the Constitutional Court, who called for a broadening of the meaning of the common destiny of the Russian people written in the Constitution to a more general acceptance turned toward "universal salvation". Cosmism serves as the foundation for a new Russian national mythology that matches the two imperatives of the current regime: a technological race for power and the definition of an alternative political model to Western modernity.
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